Challenges of Internet Access in Russia
Accessing the internet in Russia has become increasingly difficult and unreliable. Many YouTube videos fail to load, popular independent media websites display blank pages, and mobile phone internet connections often experience prolonged outages. These issues are not due to technical glitches but are part of a deliberate, long-term strategy by the Russian government to exert full control over the internet.
The authorities have implemented restrictive laws that ban websites and platforms that refuse to comply with their regulations. Advanced technology is now used to monitor and manipulate online traffic, making it challenging for users to bypass these restrictions. Although virtual private network (VPN) apps were once effective tools for circumventing these controls, they too are frequently blocked.
This summer, the government further tightened its grip by implementing widespread shutdowns of mobile internet services and passing a law that penalizes users for searching for content deemed illegal. There are also growing threats against WhatsApp, with plans to introduce a new “national” messaging app expected to be heavily monitored.
Russian President Vladimir Putin has urged the government to suppress foreign internet services and ordered officials to compile a list of platforms from “unfriendly” countries that should be restricted. This move highlights the government’s broader goal of limiting access to external information sources.
Historical Context: Censorship After 2011-12 Protests
Efforts to control online activities in Russia date back to 2011-12, when the internet became a tool for challenging the government. Independent media outlets emerged, and anti-government protests, organized online, erupted after disputed elections and Putin’s decision to run for re-election. In response, the Kremlin introduced stricter regulations, including website blocks and requirements for providers to store user data and install monitoring equipment.
Companies like Google and Facebook were pressured to store user data on Russian servers, but this did not yield results. Plans for a “sovereign internet” capable of being cut off from the global network were also announced. Prosecutions for social media posts and comments became common, showing the government’s close surveillance of online activity.
Despite these efforts, experts initially dismissed them as ineffective, arguing that Russia was far from building something like China’s Great Firewall. However, the situation has changed significantly in recent years.
Impact of the Ukraine Invasion
After Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine in 2022, the government blocked major social media platforms such as Twitter, Facebook, and Instagram, along with Signal and other messaging apps. VPNs were also targeted, making it harder for users to access restricted websites.
YouTube faced disruptions last summer, which experts attributed to deliberate throttling by authorities. The Kremlin blamed Google for not maintaining its hardware in Russia. The platform had been widely used in Russia for both entertainment and for voices critical of the government, including those of opposition leader Alexei Navalny.
Cloudflare, an internet infrastructure provider, reported in June that websites using its services were being throttled in Russia. Independent news site Mediazona also noted that several other Western hosting providers were being inhibited.
Economic and Technological Shifts
Cyber lawyer Sarkis Darbinyan, founder of Russian internet freedom group Roskomsvoboda, said authorities have been trying to push businesses to migrate to Russian hosting providers that can be controlled. He estimates that about half of all Russian websites are powered by foreign hosting and infrastructure providers, many offering better quality and price than domestic alternatives.
A recent Human Rights Watch report highlighted the consolidation of Russia’s internet providers and companies managing IP addresses. Last year, the cost of obtaining an internet provider license was raised from 7,500 rubles to 1 million rubles, and more than half of all IP addresses in Russia are managed by seven large companies, with Rostelecom accounting for 25%.
Criminalizing Online Searches
A new Russian law criminalizes online searches for broadly defined “extremist” materials. This could include LGBTQ+ content, opposition groups, some songs by performers critical of the Kremlin, and even Alexei Navalny’s memoir, recently designated as extremist.
Human rights advocates warn this is a step toward punishing consumers, not just providers, similar to the situation in Belarus. While cyber security expert Stanislav Seleznev does not expect widespread prosecutions, he notes that even a limited number of cases could deter people from accessing restricted content.
New Messaging App and Future Outlook
There are growing concerns about blocking WhatsApp, which has over 97 million monthly users in Russia. A new “national” messenger, MAX, developed by VK, is set to replace it. Its terms and conditions state that user data will be shared with authorities upon request, and a new law mandates its preinstallation in all smartphones sold in Russia.
While MAX has seen some adoption, with over two million registrations by July, it has yet to attract a wide following. Analysts believe the only way to make people use MAX is to shut down Western alternatives, but changing long-standing habits may take time.
Government Control and Monitoring
Roskomnadzor, the government media and internet regulator, uses sophisticated methods to analyze web traffic and identify what can be blocked or throttled. Experts note that years of refining technology and understanding the internet architecture, along with Western sanctions and companies leaving the Russian market since 2022, have helped the government strengthen its control.
While Russia is not yet fully isolated from the global internet, the government’s efforts are bringing it closer to that goal. As the digital landscape continues to evolve, the challenge for users and activists remains significant.